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Chaucer Life-Records 1 was the culmination of the extraordinary labours to attempt to cover Chaucer's biography. This handsome volume will be for many years the point of departure of any work on the poet's life. Since this excellent work was published in 1966, some books and articles have been published on this subject. Although there are significant and important contributions among them, such as Chaucer and his world (1978) by Derek Brewer, Chaucer: his Life, his Works, his World (1981) by Howard 2, and The Life of Geoffrey Chaucer (1993) by Derek Pearsall 3 some questions naturally still remain: the exact day of the poet's birth, his activity from 1360 to 1366 and nearly everything about his domestic life. "The problems of writing a life of Chaucer" 4 cannot lead us to the frustration of a natural wish to know everything about his life. We know that, as Derek Pearsall (1993: 2) says in answer to the question as whether it is worth writing a new biography of the poet:

Many aspects of Chaucer's biography can give controversy such as the identify of the real father of Thomas Chaucer 5, the existence of two Philippas 6 or, even, the existence of two Chaucers7, although, so far as I know, his identity has never seriously been questioned.

It is not the intention in this paper to invent a part of a biography, unsupported by real evidence, in order to fill some gaps in the poet's biography. This paper is concerned with Chaucer's marriage and the connection between the Chaucers and Spain. I will try to show how there were two important years for Chaucer's marriage: in 1366 the poet was in Spain and this was also the year of the wedding; in 1387 Philippa Chaucer was in Spain and it was 1387, the year she died. I am going to support my work on historical data from two sources: Chaucer Life-Records and Ayala's Chronicles 8 . The results of this verification will not provide the unanswerable documentary evidence but, I hope, they can be a contribution to a new starting point which can lead us to a better knowledge of Chaucer's life.

The publication of a short article by Suzanne Honori-Duvergi 9 revealing that Chaucer visited Spain with a safe-conduct, granted by the king of Navarre, cast some light on the obscurity of the period from October 1360 to June 1366. But, we cannot deduce (from this document) any clear reason for his journey.

Several possible explanations have been suggested. Suzanne Honori-Duvergi believes "that Chaucer may have joined the forces of Trastamara and taken part in the military campaign" 10. There is a mistake in this opinion, as was pointed out by Thomas Garbaty in his important article "Chaucer in Spain, 1366: Soldier of Fortune or Agent of the Crown" 11.

Another possibility was offered by Crow and Olson suggesting that Chaucer was an ordinary pilgrim to the shrine of St. James. Baugh however,(1968: 56) rejects both possibilities and when, referring to the second one, he states that "English pilgrims to Compostela habitually went to La Coruqa, in Galicia, by sea 12."

This argument is not strong enough to reject Crow and Olson's opinion: pilgrims also went to Galicia by the "French route" 13.

Chaucer may have been sent on a diplomatic mission: to negotiate with the king of Navarre, Charles II, the passage of the English military forces through his territory, but this was quite unlikely. The safe-conduct was valid from February 22 to May 24 of 1366, and the agreement with the king of Navarre was 14 in 1367.

Calveley had been a decisive help for the English victory in the struggle for Brittany and had begun to invade 15 Castile on March 1366 .

Ayala (1991: 331-333) tells how Henry of Trastamara, who had invaded Castile and was proclaimed king of Castile, was aware of the Black Prince's proposals: "... que avma ya nuevas del prmncipe de Gales como venma a ayudar al rey don Pedro... e esto fue en el mes de febrero deste aqo 16."

...Mosen Hugo de Caureley, que era un caballero inglis con quatrocientos de caballo de su compaqa, que tenma consigo de Inglaterra, partis del rey don Enrique, e fuese para Navarra, por quanto su seqor el Prmncipe de Gales venma de la otra parte, e non podma ser contra el. E el rey don Enrique, como quier que sopo que el dicho mosin Hugo partma del, e le pudiera facer algun enojo, non lo quiso facer, teniendo que el dicho caballero facma su debdo en se ir a servir a su seqor el prmncipe, que era fijo de su seqor el rey de Inglaterra 17.

Chaucer's arguments convinced not only Sir Calveley but Henry of Trastamara himself. And Ayala's Chronicles reafirm this success: Sir Calveley not only abandoned Henry of Trastamara but also he took part in the battle of Najera against him 18 , and some days after the victory of Najera he, as a reliable person at the Black Prince's service, was sent as a messanger to the king of Aragon 19. Chaucer's success is beyond all doubt.

Dende a pocos dmas llegaronle nuevas al maestre Davis csmo el duque de Alencastre era aportado con pieza de navmos e de gentes en la villa de la Coruqa, que es en Galicia, dma de Santiago, e csmo tomara y algunas galeas que falls del rey de Castilla, e que la gente que el dicho duque trama eran mil e quinientas lanzas, e otros tantos archeros, e todo de muy buena gente. E trama consigo su mujer doqa Constanza, que era fija del rey don Pedro, e una fija que avma della, que decman doqa Catalina. E trama otras dos fijas que el duque oviera primero de otra mujer con quien fuera casado antes, fija de otro duque de Alencastre e conde de Dervi que fuera antes que dil, e a la mayor decman doqa Phelipa, la cual cass entonce con el maestre Davis que se llamaba rey de Portugal, segund adelante diremos, e a la otra decman doqa Isabel, la cual cass entonce con un caballero que venma con el duque, que decman mosin Juan de Holanda, que fuera hijo de la princesa e de mosin Thomas de Holanda, e era entonce mosin Juan de Holanda en esa cabalgada, e el duque de Alencastre fmzole su condestable 20.

If Philippa was in Constance's service, she ought to have been at her service in Galicia in 1386. Her husband's daughters were to marry important men and her own daughter Catherine would marry Henry III of Castile. Constance's need of household chores might be important enough to get rid of Philippa, who was not only granted but highly esteemed by her as Crow and Olson (1966: 86) clarify when they explain that the term "` nostre bien ame damoysele' is applied elsewhere in the register of John of Gaunt to ladies in immediate attendance upon the Duchess Constance 21."

There is no record to prove that the Duke of Lancaster was Chaucer's patron 22 but there some records to demonstrate a close connection between the Chaucers and John of Gaunt:

Despuis que entrs en Castilla, siempre ovo grand mortandad en sus compaqas, en guisa que perdis muchas gentes de las suyas; e segund se sopo por cierto, morieron trescientos caballeros e escuderos, e muchos archeros e otras gentes 23.

Philippa Chaucer might have been among these "otras gentes", and probably died in Spain or Portugal of "pestilence". We do not have any record of her death but if, as Pearsall (1993: 25) says as regrads those who died of plague, " there were not enough living to bury the dead, and there were certainly not enough priests to give all the dying the last sacraments" it would be very difficult to find any record, mainly knowing how elusive Chaucer was about autobiographical references in his poetry.

Martin M. Crow and Clair C. Olson (1966: 84) conclude that:

Because for several terms Philippa Chaucer had drawn her annuity through her husband and because Geoffrey Chaucer drew only his own Michaelmas instalments on 7 November 1387, it would appear that her death ocurred sometime between 18 June 1387, when she drew her last payment, and 7 November of that year.

I hope that the new information drawn from our conclusion would help from now on in future research concerning this subject.

NOTES

1. I am chiefly grateful to Professor Martin M. Crow whose opinion on the most important results of this paper, after reading some of my works on Chaucer and Spain, has encouraged me.
All quotations are from Crow Martin M. & Calir C. Olson C., Chaucer Life-Records (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1966). All quotations are from this edition and the references to this volume will be incorporated into the text, under the abbreviation Life-Records.
2. D. R. Howard, Chaucer: his Life, his Works, his World. New York: E.P. Dutton, 1981. I am very grateful to Martha S. Waller, retired Professor of Butler University, for sending me Howard's references to Philippa Chaucer from this book, and for her advice and corrections on this article.
3. I do not know how to express my gratitude to both these great scholars for their correspondece connected with some of my research on this subject.
D. Pearsall, The Life of Geoffrey Chaucer (Oxford: Blackwell, 1993).
D. Brewer, Chaucer and his world (Suffolk: Boydell & Brewer, 1978).
4. This is the title of Derek Pearsall's paper in the VII S.E.L.I.M. (Spanish Society for Mediaeval Language and Literature), Conference held in Cáceres, 1994.
5. For a biography and discussion see K. B. McFarlane, "Henry V, Bishop Beaufort and the Red Hat, 1417-1421", EHR 60 (1945), pp. 316-348, 332-337; J. A. F. Thomson, "John de la Pole, Duke of Suffolk," Speculum, 54 (1979), pp. 528-42; E. A. Greening Lamborn, "The Arms on the Chaucer Tomb at Ewelme", Oxoniensia, 5 (1940), pp. 78-93.
6. For this possibility, see D. Pearsall, op. ct., p. 35.
7. For this possibility, see, A. C. Baugh, "Chaucer the Man", Companion to Chaucer Studies, edited by Beryl Rowland. London: O.U.P, 1968, p. 1.
8. J. L. Martín, ed., Pero López de Ayala. Crónicas ( Barcelona: Planeta, 1991). All quotations are from this edition. The references to this book will be incorporated in the text under the abbreviation Crónicas.
9.S. Honoré-Duvergé, "Chaucer en Espagne? (1366)", Recueil de Travaux offert & M. Clovis Brunel , II (Paris: 1955), pp. 9-13.
10. Albert C. BAUGH, op. ct., p. 56
11. I cannot sufficiently express my gratitude to Professor Thomas J. Garbaty, who sent me his article published in MLN, 5, (1967) and encouraged me to work on this subject.
12. Albert C. BAUGH, Chaucer the Man", Companion to Chaucer Studies, ed. Beryl Rowland (London: O.U.P., 1968).
13. See Vázquez de Parga, J. M. Lacarra, & Uria, Peregrinaciones a Santiago, (Madrid: 1948).
14. "...el rey de Navarra fuese para Pamplona, e estovo allí, e fizo otros tratos con el rey Don Pedro e con el príncipe de Gales en esta manera: que el rey de Navarra les diese el paso por el puerto de Roncesvalles,"(Crónicas, p.331)
"The king of Navarre went to Pamplona and stayed there and made other treaties with king Peter and with the Prince of Wales as follows: that the king of Navarre would allow them free entry to enter through the mountain pass of Rouncesval."
15. "Early in March Calveley opened the attack by turning north and following the course of the Ebro, passed through the southern tip of Navarre, and reached Alfaro in Castilian territory. When the town refused to surrender he pushed on to Calahorra." Baugh, "Chaucer the Man" , p. 65.

16 . " They had heard about how the Prince of Wales was coming to help king Peter..., and this happened in February of that year."
17. (Crónicas, p. 341)" The knight Hugo of Carvely, who was an English knight with four hundred cavalrymen from England, abandoned king Henry, and went to Navarre because his lord, the Prince of Wales was coming from the other direction and he could not fight against him. And when king Henry knew that this Hugo had left him, and he could have done him some harm, nevertheless he did not wish to do so, considering that this knight was doing his duty by his lord the Prince, who was the son of the king of England."
18."De la parte del rey don Pedro fue ordenada la batalla en esta guisa. Todos vinieron a pie, e en la avanguardia venía el duque de Alencastre, hermano del príncipe, que decían don Juan, e mosén Juan Chandós, que era condestable de Guiana por el príncipe, e mosén Raúl Camois, e mosén Hugo de Caureley, e Mosén Oliver, señor de Clison, e otros muchos caballeros e escuderos de Inglaterra e de Bretaña." (Crónicas, 344).
" On the side of king Peter the battle was planned as follows: everyone was on foot, and the Duke of Lancaster, who was called John, the Prince's brother, was in the vanguard with the knight John of Chandos, who had been appointed by the prince the military chief of Guiana, and Raul Camois, and Hugo of Calveley, and Oliver, lord of Clison, and many other knights and squires from England and Brittany."
19."Otrosí el príncipe de Gales envió luego al rey de Aragón por mensajero a mosén Hugo de Caureley, un
caballero de Inglaterra a tratar con él sus amistades," (Crónicas, 360).
" And afterwards the Prince of Wales sent Hugo of Calveley, a knight from England, as a messanger to the king of Aragon to draw up a treaty of friendship with him."
20. (Crónicas, p. 614) " the Grand Master Davis had news a few days previously of how the Duke of Lancaster had arrived with ships and militarymen in the town of La Coruña, which is in Galicia, the day on St. James, and how he took some ships of the king of Castile, and among the soldiers there were 1500 lancers and a like number of archers and all of them were good. And he brought with him his wife Constance, who was the daughter of king Peter and a daughter who had been born of her, who was called Catherine, and he brought two other daughters the Duke had of another woman whom he had previously married, who was the daugther of the former Duke of Lancaster and Earl of Derby; the elder daugther was called Philippa, who married the Grand Master Davis, who was called king of Portugal, as we shall tell later on, and the other daughter was called Elisabeth, who then married a knight who came with the Duke, who was called John of Holland, who was son of the princess and Thomas of Holland, because the Duke of Lancaster had made him his military chief."
21. For further clarification, see the reference to the annuity of ten pounds granted to Philippa Chaucer on 30 August 1372 in Chaucer Life-Records, pp. 85-86.
22. John of Gaunt styled himself "roy de Castille et de Leon duc de Lancastre" in all documents from 1372 to 1388 and as I will try to show in a forthcoming article in the Chaucer Review, Chaucer supports this claim in The Book of the Duchess when he defines him as "this kyng" (1314).
23. (Crónicas, p. 627) " After entering Castile, there was a large number of victims among his entourage, so that he lost many of his people, and as it was well known, three hundred knights and squires and many archers and other people died."
24. I am preparing a new article with the valuable help of Professor William Askins, who has provide new and important data to complete this research. The most striking and convincing data may be the finding of a record to support the hypothesis of Philippa's death in Spain.

Baugh, A. 1968 "Chaucer the Man", Companion to Chaucer Studies, ed. Beryl Rowland. London: O.U.P.

Brewer, D.1978 Chaucer and his World. Suffolk: Boydell & Brewer.

Crow, M. M. & Clair Olson, eds. 1966Chaucer Life-Records. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Garbaty, T. J.1967 "Chaucer in Spain, 1366: Soldier of Fortune or Agent of the Crown?", Modern

Language Notes 5: 81-87.

Honori-Duvergi, S. 1955 "Chaucer en Espagne? (1366)," Recueil de travaux offert a M. Clovis Brunel

2: 9-13.

Howard, D. R. 1981 Chaucer: his Life, his Works, his World. New York: E. P. Dutton.

Martmn, J. L. ed. 1991 Pero Lspez de Ayala. Crsnicas. Barcelona: Planeta.

Pearsall, D. 1993 The Life of Geoffrey Chaucer. Oxford: Blackwell.

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