A catalan ‘virolay’ an the ‘femynyne creature sitte in a see imperiall’”, Procedings of the 10th International Conference of S.E.L.I.M., Ana María Hornero y María Pilar Navarro eds., Zaragoza: Diputación (Institución “Fernando el Católico”), 2000: 235-243.

 

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A CATALAN `VIROLAY' AND THE `FEMYNYNE CREATURE, SITTE IN A SEE IMPERIALL'

Dr. Jesus L. Serrano Reyes

Cordoba (Spain)

 

Let me introduce this work with a quotation from my paper "`Els castells humans': an architectural element in the House of Fame'" presented in the IX SELIM in Vitoria-Gasteiz (1996) : "The main support of my essay is based on a comparative study of Book III and the historical records from Catalonia concerning the Monastery of Montserrat and the Catalan folklore". I go on my research to demonstrate the hypothesis that Chaucer's sources for The House of Fame may have not been only from books but from a visit to Catalonia. The description in Book III is, to my mind, the result of a process of memorizing a real experience .

In Vitoria-Gasteiz I showed how I have identified the last lines of the poem with the typical part of the Catalan folklore called "els castellers", the human towers built in the special ceremonies and, among them, when an important authority has to be welcome. Chaucer narrates these last lines of his poem as follow:

 

This essay attemps to show the parallelism between Chaucer's description of Lady Fame and the text of a Catalan virelay which was sung to the Virgin of Montserrat by pilgrims. Pilgrimage is the context, taking into account that the objective of any pilgrim is the visit to a holy place, and that "devocioun" is the heart of the matter. I will try to determine how Chaucer was led to the House of Fame by an eagle, an envoy of God (Jupiter), to take Chaucer there "in som recompensacion/ Of labor and devocion" (665-66). This eagle may be a literary element taken from Dante, but it is a religious symbol.

In Book I Chaucer, following the literary device of dreams visions, describes everything he watches in a "chirche" (473), located in an unkonwn place and country ("But not wot I whoo did hem wirche,/ Ne where I am, ne in what contree", 474-75). The description of Venus is supported on the paintings he sees "paynted on the wall" (211),

and the description of the history of Troy is "writen on a table of bras" (142). The process of memoririzing in Book I develops its work by means of three significant verbs: "peynted" 211), for the classical painting of Venus, "writen" (142) which recalls Virgil's Aeneid, and "graven" (212, 253, 256, 433, 451, 473) which shows the importance of patterns in relief. The diference between the number of occurrences of the word "graven" (six times) and "writen" (once) may lead us to think of the importance of the engravings for Chaucer's description, remaining a work of art from a real experience more than a book which provides what may be called "virtual reality".

Book II is the narration of a journey. I am going to develop my argumentation focusing my interest in two important points: who takes Chaucer?, and why is Chaucer taken?

Chaucer, who does not know where he is, went out of the "chirche" and saw a place he compares with "the desert of Lybye" (488). Desert is a typical place for divine apparitions in the Bible. Chaucer knew it very well, because inmediately after he realizes he is in a desert, he says: "O Crist, " thoughte I, "that art in blysse",/ Fro fantome and illusion/ Me save... (492-494). He was afraid of an apparition. His fear came true. The "fantome and illusion" did not come from the ground but from "the hevene" (495).

As Steadman (1960: 153-9) shows in his article "Chaucer's Eagle: A Contemplative Symbol", the eagle in The House of Fame is a representative element of the kind of dream-guide who offers a divine revelation. Most scholars agree that Chaucer's eagle has its literary source in Dante (Purg. 9. 19-20, 2.17-24; Par. 18-20), and some of them, among others Steadman (1960), Sipsom ( , Kruger (1993), Delany (1994) and Boitani (1983, 1984, 1986) study the eagle's heavenly appearance which promises revelation. There are some characteristics which feed the consideration of the eagle as a divine envoy:

* Chaucer points out the fact that the eagle speaks to him "in mannes vois" (556).

* The eagle knows Chaucer's name ("And called me tho by my name", 558).

* The eagle's words have a typical divine purpose: "with wordes to comforte" (572).

* The eagle, significantly, invocates twice the Virgin: "Seynte Marye" (573).

* The eagle communicates Chaucer the divine protection: "For also God helpe me/ As thou noon harm shalt have of this" (576-77).

* The eagle knows Chaucer's thought: "But he that bar me gan espye/That I so thoughte... (594-95).

* And, finally, because the eagle himself reveals who he is:

First, I, that in my fet have the,

Of which thou hast a lere and wonder,

Which that men called Jupiter,

That dooth me flee ful ofte fer

To do al hys comaundement.

And for this cause he hath me sent

to the... (606-613).

We are aware of the eagle's divine nature. Why was Chaucer chosen to be taken to the House of Fame?: "To do the som disport and game,/ In som recompensacion/ That thou hast had, loo causeles,/ To Cupido, the reccheles" (663-68). Chaucer himself is asked about the reason of his stay, and he answers "som new tydynges for to lere" (1886).

The journey is a travel from the desert, where nobody is (489-491), to the House of Fame and the House of Rumour, where many people are. It is a travel from the lonelliness and silence of an hermit (659) to the company and uproar of the pilgrims. It is a travel from the theoretic knowledge to the empirical knowledge. The eagle provides Chaucer the theory which has to be illustrated by the real experience that Chaucer will live in the House of Fame and the House of Rumour. From my point of view, it is a journey from reflection to action, from faith to knowledge. The eagle's monologue may be Chaucer's reflection, the theory, something to belileve, and at the end of the travel he finds the action and, as John Fyler says (1986: 566):

Many details of the journey should be commented. I will just mention only some of them, taken from the last part of Book II, when Chaucer is to arrive at the place where the House of Fame is:

* "Be Seynt Jame" (885), which does not need any comment in Spain.

* "Seynt Julyan, loo, bon hostel!" (1023), said by the eagle when he shows Chaucer the House of Fame "yonder".

It is well known that St. Julyan is the patron of hospitality. The eagle says "bon hostel!" just when he sees the House of Fame and hears "the grete sound" (1025), that is, the roar from the pilgrims. It is well documented the problems in the Monastery of Montserrat in the XIV century due to the great number of pilgrims .

Chaucer has been transported by the eagle and, when they arrive, the eagle "in a strete he sette" him on his "fete" (1049-50), and says: "walke forth thou shalt fynde in Fames place" (1051-53). This episode evokes the traditional custom of going up the Mountain of Montserrat on foot as Francisco Carreras y Candi (1911: 269-70) tells, quoting from the Chronicle of Pere IV, how the king and his company arrive to Montserrat in 1343:

Chaucer tells: "But up I clomb with alle payne/ And though to clymbe it greved me" (1118-19). Nowadays, as anybody can see there, the cableway is a more comfortable mean.

Chaucer's mean of transport will wait for him ("And here I wol abyden the" (1086) as the horses and mules waited for the pilgrims at Monistrol. Pere IV narrates in his Chronicle (29-April-1343):

Certainly, at the end of Book III, after Chaucer's stay in the House of Fame and Rumour, we find the eagle waiting for Chaucer: "Upon this hous, tho war was y/

How that myn egle faste by/ Was perched hye upon a stoon" (1989-91).

At the end of Book II Chaucer walks, and tells us, twice, how the House of Fame is far (1064-1070). At the beginning of Book III Chaucer narrates not only how he is coming closer, but how the house is upon so a high rock that there is not any other in Spain:

Then, the poet describes the buildings and his description matches those ones of Montserrat, including the musicians with their instruments which recall the "scolans". In this context, the explicit reference to "alle that used clarion/ In Cataloigne and Aragon" (1247-48) shows in which part of Spain he is.

Finally, after Chaucer describes what he sees outside, he finds that: "Ther mette I crying many oon" (1307). And among other words the crowd (the crowd of pilgrims) says: "God save the lady of thy pel" (1310). Carreras (1911: 270) informs that "al enfront del Monestir era practica general deturar-shi y resar-hi devotament la salve". And Chaucer narrates that "Thoo atte last aespyed y/ That pursevantes and herautes/ That crien ryche folkes laudes" (1320-22).

Chaucer describes the entrance of the place where the lady is, as a "lusty and ryche place" (1356):

Chaucer tells that "That Fames halle called was", but the real name of the hall was, as Albareda (1974: 54) mentions in his Historia de Montserrat, "La Reja", and it was built by the Prior of Montserat Jaime de Vivers (1348-1375). There, there was the lady of that peel:

Chaucer mentions, after the description, how beautiful songs were sung to the Lady:

The old traditon of singing songs to the Virgin of Montserrat is included in the Llibre Vermell, a Catalan manuscript from the XIV century where it is said: "Quia interdum, diu, peregrini quando vigilant in ecca beate marie de monte serrato volunt cantare et trepudiare et etiam in platea de die".

Higinio Anglis (1955: 50) states that "El reinado de Pedro III (IV) (1336-1387), Juan I (1387-1395) y Martmn el Humano (1395-1410) fue sin duda la ipoca de mejor esplendor en el aspecto musical sagrado y profano". The Catalan kings used to send his musicians to learn in the schools of Germany, France and Flanders. Higinio Anglis (1955: 50) tells how in 1379 "el prmncipe Juan pide a sus cantores que al venirse de Francia lleven consigo un libro donde haya "molts motets e rondells e ballades e virelais'". This quotation recalls Chaucer's words in his Legend of Good Women when he tells us that, among other works he wrote "highten balades, roundels, virelayes" (423). I am going to show you the text of an old virelay from the Llibre Vermell, which was saved by Father Villanueva (1821:152-153). It is called "Birolay de Montserrat" o " Rosa plasent", and was sung to the Virgin of Montserrat in the Monastery. It is one of the eleven songs transcribed in the Llibre de Vermell, but unfortunately the music of this one was lost during the French intervention in Spain (1808-1812). We agree with Higino Anglis (1955: 48): "Es una pena que el Padre Villanueva se limitara a copiar el texto, sin la mzsica."

An important feature of this virelay is that the poem was written in lemosine, the language of Provence and Catalonia in the Middle Ages. Chaucer may have been familiar with this French dialect. A deep analysis of the versification may provide new findings.

 

Birolay de Madona Santa Marma

Rosa plasent, soleyl de resplendor,

Stela lusent, yohel de sant amor,

Topazis cast, diamant de vigor,

Rubis millor, carboncle relusent.

Lir transcendent, sobran tot altre flor,

Alba jausent, claredat senes fuscor,

En tot contrast ausits li pecador;

A gran maror est port de salvament:

Aygla capdal, volant pus altament,

Cambre reyal del gran Omnipotent,

Perfaytament auyats mont devot xant,

Per tots pyant siatsnos defendent:

Sacrat portal del Temple permanent,

Dot virginal, virtut sobreccellent,

Quel occident quins va tots iorns gaytant,

No puxe tant quens face vos absent.

A comparative analysis after reading the two texts may show some parallels between Chaucer's description of Lady Fame and the content of this Catalan virelay:

BIROLAY DE MADONA SANTA MARIA LADY FAME

Stela lusent................................................. Shynen sterres sevene (1376)

yohel del sanct amor...................................But Lord, the perry and the richesse I saugh sittyng on this godesse! (1393-94)

Topazis cast, diamant de vigor.................. ful of the fyn stones faire (1350)

Rubis millor, shining carbuncle.................. mad was of a rubee all,

Which that a carbuncle ys called (1362-63)

A gran maror est port de salvament............And not awey with stormes bete (1150)

Cambre reyal.............................................. That Fames hall called was (1356)

Perfaytament auyats mont devot xant...... And Lord, the hevenyssh melodye

Of songes ful of armonye

I herde about her trone ysonge (1395-97)

Among these possible parallels I am going to point out the metaphor "Aygla capdal, volant pus altament". In the "Birolay" the Virgin is compared with an eagle. Chaucer's eagle, from my point of view, may have its roots not only in Dante but in this virelay; that is, Chaucer's eagle may be a metaphor of Lady Fame. Apart from the divine characteristics of the eagle I have already mentioned, there are some parallels between the descriptions of both characters:

wpeD.jpg (23710 bytes)

A photo of St. Mary of Montserrat.

 

  EAGLE LADY FAME
HIGH I saugh an eagle sore (499)/ as hye (497) I saugh (1364)/ al on hye (1360)
HEVENE My eyen to the hevene I caste (495)/ But yf the heven had ywonne/ Al newe of gold another sonne (505-506) She touched hevene (1375)
 

 

 

That sawe men such a syghte (504) That never formed by Nature/ Nas such another thing yseye (1366-67)
FEATHER/HAIR OF SHINING GOLD Hyt was of gold, and shon so bryghte (503)/ So shone the egles fethers bryghte (507) Hir heer, that oundy was and crips,/ As burned gold hyt shoon to see (1386-87)

Apart from these parallels we must consider some details from the description of Chaucer's "femynyne creature", that match some of those ones of the Virgin of Montserrat:

* The Virgin of Montserrat is :

- "al on hygh, above a dees" (1360)

- "Sitte in a see imperiall" (1361)

- "perpetually ystalled" (1364)

* Pilgrims were ordered in groups, as the nine groups in Chaucer's poem are .

 

 

 

  

 

 

 

 

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Albareda, A.1974 Historia de Montserrat. Barcelona: Publicacions de l4Abadia de Montserrat.

Angles, H. 1955 "`El Llibre Vermell4de Montserrat y los cantos y la danza sacra de los peregrinos

durante el siglo XIV", Anuario Musical X, 45-74.

Benson, L.D. ed. 1991 The Riverside Chaucer, O.U.P.

Boitani, P. " 1983"Chaucer's Labyrinth: Fourteenth-Century Literature and Language, The Chaucer

Review, vol. 17, no. 3 : 197-220.

Boitani, P. 1984 Chaucer and the Imaginary World of Fame. Cambridge: D.S. Brewer/Barnes &

Noble.

Boitani, P. 1986 "Old books brought to life in dreams: the Book of the Duchess, the House of Fame,

the Parliament of Fowls", The Cambridge Chaucer Companion, C.U.P, 39-57.

Carreras y Candi, F. 1911 Narraciones Montserratinas, Barcelona: Francisco J. Altes.

Carruthers, M.J. 1987 "Italy, Ars Memorativa, and Fame's House", Studies in the Age of Chaucer 2,

179:88.

Carruthers, M.J. 1994 "Seeing Things: Locational Memory in Chaucer's Knight's Tale", Art and Context in Late Medieval English Narrative, D. S. Brewer ed., 93-106.

Delany, S. 1994 Chaucer's House of Fame. The Poetics of Skeptical Fideism. Florida U.P.

Fyler, J. 1986 "`Cloude4- `And al that y of spak4. The House of Fame. v. 978", Neuphilogishe

Mitteilungen 4/LXXXVII, 565-568.

Fyler, J. 1992 "Chaucer, Pope and House of Fame", The Idea of Medieval Literature: New Essays

on Chaucer and Medieval Culture in Honor of R. Howard, Dean James ed. U of Delaware, 149-59.

Krugger, B.G. 1993 "Imagination and the Complex Movement of Chaucer's House of Fame", The

Chaucer Review vol. 28, no. 2, 117-134.

Pagis A. ed. 1941 Chronique catalane de Pierre IV d' Aragon, III de Catalogne, Tolouse-Paris.

Rowland, B. 1975 "Bishop Bradwardine, the Artificial Memory, and the House of Fame," Chaucer at

Albany, Rossell Hope Robbins ed., 41.62.

Rowland, B. 1985 "The Artificial Memory, Chaucer, and Modern Scholars", Chaucer at Albany, Rossell

Hope Robbins, 1-14.

Simpson, J. 1986 "Dante's `Astripetam Aquilam4 and the Theme of Poetic Discretion in `The House of

Fame4, Essays & Studies, G.A. Wilkes ed., 1-18.

Steadman, J.M. 1960 " Chaucer's Eagle: A Contemplative Symbol", PMLA 75, 153-59.

Suqol, G.M. 1911 "Los Romeros en la Edad Media (una danza del siglo XIV), Revista Montserratina,

201-352.

Villanueva, J.1821 Viaje Literario a las Iglesias de Espaqa, Valencia.

 

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